A Malay Cyber University, an online university since 16 Mac 2007. "MELAYU TAK AKAN HILANG DI DUNIA!!!", Hang Tuah, Sejarah Melayu. Memberikan ilmu untuk membela agama, bangsa dan tanahair demi kelangsungan tamadun Melayu. Sebuah universiti di Nusantara untuk Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, Singapore, Thailand, Philippines, Sri Lanka,Madagascar. Juga Universitas Nusantara.
Sunday, October 07, 2012
Tuesday, January 31, 2012
Hang Tuah In History
Received emails from friends attaching someone called Monkey who made fun of Hang Tuah. Here is my reply. This is no monkey business, leave it to the historians to debate.
Some newspapers carried an interview with Tan Sri Professor Emeritus Dr. Khoo Kay Kim who rejected Hang Tuah as a historical figure fit to be a Malaysian hero. His view was disputed by Datuk Professor Emeritus Dr. Nik Hassan, an archaeologist and Kassim Ahmad, a literary intellectual who studied the text. In the same vein, V. Braginsky, a Russian Malay literary scholar and Leonard Andaya, a renown American historian, many years ago believed in the historicity of Hang Tuah.
With due respect, Prof. Khoo Kay Kim is from an old Rankean school of history that could see only easy to read and easy to see facts, and only hard facts, especially, as he mentioned, those western and Chinese sources.
Friday, April 22, 2011
Keputusan Pilihan Raya Sarawak 2011: Bom Angka!
Keputusan PRU DUN SARAWAK 2011: Angka Bom Jangka
| PARTI | KERUSI | MUSLIM | DAYAK | CINA | ||||
| Kaum | Melayu | Melanau | Iban | Bidayuh | Orang Ulu | | ||
| Barisan Nasional | | | | | | | ||
| | PBB | 35 | 17 | 10 | 5 | 3 | 1 | |
| SUPP | 6 | 0 | 0 | 2 | 2 | | 2 | |
| PRS | 8 | 0 | 0 | 8 | | | | |
| SPDP | 6 | 1 | 0 | 4 | | 1 | | |
| Jumlah | 55 | 18 | 10 | 19 | 5 | 2 | 2 | |
| Pakatan Rakyat | | | | | | | ||
| | DAP | 12 | 0 | 0 | | | | 12 |
| PKR | 3 | 0 | 0 | 1 | | 1 | 1 | |
| Jumlah | 16 | 0 | 0 | 1 | | 1 | 13 | |
| Bebas | | | | | | | ||
| | Bebas | 1 | | | 1 | | | |
| Jumlah | 1 | | | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
| Jumlah | 71 | 18 | 10 | 22 | 5 | 3 | 13 | |
| Jumlah Kategori | 28 | 30 | 13 | |||||
Senario politik yang mungkin berlaku selepas Pru Dun Sarawak 2011 ada angka jangka seperti dalam bom jangka dan politik adalah serba boleh.
1. Pola keputusan kembali kegarisan bangsa yang tebal: Melayu dan Muslim mantap dalam PBB; Iban mantap dalam semua parti, Bidayuh juga mantap dalam semua parti. Cina dalam DAP. 55 vs. 16 kerusi.
2. Ikut kategori: Muslim 28; Dayak 30; Cina 12. Gabungan bagaimana yg boleh memberi angka lebih 36, majoriti kecil.
3. 28+30=58 yang terbaik;
4. 28 + 12 =40 yang mustahil;
5. 20 + 12 =32 yang tak cukup.
6. Mengingatkan saya kepada suasana pra-Ming Court di mana terdapat 2 Timbalan Ketua Menteri Iban – Dato Alfred Jabu dan Dato Daniel Tajem.
Friday, October 09, 2009
Bolehkah Mohamad Isa Menang Lagi?
PKR Founder-member Quits Party With 63 Others And Pledge Support For BN
PORT DICKSON, Oct 9 (Bernama) -- A founder-member of Pakatan Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and 63 members announced their decision to quit PKR Thursday night and pledged their support for Barisan Nasional (BN).
Abdul Manap Shahardin said he and the members had decided to quit PKR because its leader was only a good orator but failed to implement what they had struggled for.
"I do not want to talk bad about the leader but it is a reality," he told a brief gathering attended by Information Communication and Culture Minister Datuk Seri Utama Dr Rais Yatim.
Abdul Manap, 64, said colleagues who were instrumental in setting up the party were also disappointed because they struggles, sacrifices and contributions were not appreciated.
After retiring from the army after serving at the Sunggala camp, Abdul Manap who had stood as a PKR candidate for the Telok Kemang parliamentary seat during the 2004 general election, said he and the other members would support Tan Sri Mohd Isa Abdul Samad who is contesting the Bagan Pinang state seat in the Oct 11 by-election.
He added that Isa was a influential candidate who was well accepted by the people of Bagan Pinang and his credentials and contributions as the Negeri Sembilan Menteri Besar for 22 years remains intact although PKR had won the Telok Kemang parliamentary seat during the 2008 general election.
Meanwhile, Rais said BN accepts the former PKR man's stand which goes on to prove that BN's selfless contributions all these years has been recognised.
"I knew him from the time we were in Parti Melayu Semangat 46 and I know his struggles," he said.
Rais also welcomed the support pledged by Indian PKR members and promised to do his bit to see that they enjoyed the Deepavali celebrations on Oct 17.
The minister added that Abdul Manap and the rest would coax more PKR members in Telok Kemang to support BN during the by-election.
Sharing dari BERNAMA
Thursday, June 18, 2009
TOKOH MAAL HIJRAH 2008 SOKONG KERAJAAN PERPADUAN
‘Perpecahan Melayu teruk’
pengarang@utusan.com.my
PUTRAJAYA 17 Jun – Mufti Perak, Tan Sri Harussani Zakaria hari ini memberi amaran perpecahan orang Melayu ketika ini terlampau teruk sehingga golongan majoriti itu kelihatan terlalu lemah.
Membiarkan orang Melayu sendiri mentafsirkan apa yang dimaksudkannya daripada pengamatan suasana hari ini, Tokoh Maal Hijrah Kebangsaan 2008 itu percaya hanya kerajaan perpaduan antara UMNO-Pas sahaja boleh mengembalikan semula kewibawaan orang Melayu di Malaysia.
‘‘Saya sebenarnya tidak mahu mengulas isu-isu politik tetapi dalam soal cadangan kerajaan perpaduan UMNO-Pas ini, saya setuju sangat jika ia dapat dijayakan.
‘‘Ia bukan sahaja boleh menyatukan orang Melayu malah lebih dari itu mempertahankan agama Islam yang suci ini,” katanya kepada Utusan Malaysia di sini. Petikan dari Utusan Malaysia, 18 Jun 2008
Tuesday, March 24, 2009
Perhimpunan UMNO 2009: HIDUP MELAYU!!!


Sunday, March 01, 2009
Orang Kristian Mahu Kelirukan Orang Islam
Friday, November 07, 2008
Obama Malaysia: Perdana Menteri Tahun 2189
PENDAPAT INDIA MENGENAI KONTRAK SOSIAL #3
| The 'social contract' - a defining call to academia |
| Dr Collin Abraham | Oct 30, 08 4:23pm |
| Academic and professional intervention to clear the ‘muddy waters’ in the scenario of the ‘social contract’ is not only timely, but crucially long overdue. Indeed, it can be argued that this avoidance of engagement on the part of the intellectual community, can be said to be nothing more than a reflection of the neglect to engage, because of their lack or limited professional competence and capability. As a consequence, the documentation on an overview of the theoretical and pragmatic defining of social issues and concerns such as the ‘social contract’ have necessarily been a-theoretical and a-historical and the wider community is left to search blindly in attempts at further research for relevant dimensions in arriving at an acceptable consensus. Against this background, it is refreshing to note that a useful attempt has been made in this direction by the writer of the letter ‘Social Contract’ already integrated into Constitution. Indeed, this letter has successfully presented a realistic analysis that strikes at the very heart of the main issues so that it only requires supportive documentary academic, intellectual and professional evidence for an acceptable consensus for all concerned. My take on the writer’s presentation is that it basically involves the fundamental and pivotal question, that if the ‘social contract’ was that crucially important in defining the constitutional status and politico- economic relationships between the Malays and non-Malays for political independence, then surely it should have been entrenched as the ‘social contract’ within the constitution itself. In my opinion, the writer correctly argues that in the face of increasing pressure by the British that independence will only be on condition that the citizenship question among non-Malays is resolved, Umno agreed merely to incorporate the special provisions for the Malays into the constitution as the ‘social contract’. It would however be ‘simplistic’ to limit this outcome analysis to a one-factor causation. There are apparently equally important questions such as the composition of the Umno ‘mandate’ to negotiate the ‘social contract’ with the British after the majority Malay nationalist and Islamic parties withdrew from Umno, so that in fact the latter did not have the mandate to negotiate with the British for the Malay community as a whole. In other words it was the ‘elitist’ Malay political parties among the ruling class that negotiated the Malay special rights as the so-called ‘social contract’. These are serious assertions that have wide political implications across the board and must therefore be handled sensitively if they are to have the desired effect. This can be achieved if the intervention call on the academic and intellectual community to deliver could be taken up now by a leading local university such as the USM especially since it has now received the distinction of being the apex university. What is urgently needed therefore is for USM to set up a small group of say five members to review the entire question and to come up with a report and recommendations within one month. |
Thursday, November 06, 2008
PENDAPAT CINA MENGENAI KONTRAK SOSIAL #2
| 'Social contract' already integrated into constitution |
| Wong Hoy Yuen | Oct 23, 08 4:13pm |
| I refer to the Malaysiakini article by Dr Lim Teck Ghee entitled Social contract: What could be next? So far no credible evidence has surfaced on the existence of a ‘social contract’. Many distinguished academicians and historians including Prof Ungku Abdul Aziz have cast doubts over its existence. Yet the term is increasingly being used by individuals, politicians and organisations, giving the impression that its existence is undisputed. I also observe that an increasing number of issues appear to fall within the scope of this ‘social contract’ despite the absence of details of its scope. Actually, I believe there was an agreement (or a ‘social contract’) among the founding members of our country on the special position of the Malays. But ponder for a moment. If the founding members indeed made an agreement on such a vital matter, would they not have insisted that it be cast in stone? And what better way if not to graft the entire contents of the ‘social contract’ into the federal constitution. Right from the birth of our constitution there were provisions for the special position of the Malays which have remained intact. That itself is proof that there was an agreement among the founding members. Do you think they, especially the Umno representatives, would have accepted the constitution if important elements of the ‘social contract’ were left out? Assuming for a moment that our founding members were forced to accept a ‘partial social contract’ in the constitution, would not have that ignited massive unhappiness or even rebellion among the Malay/Muslim community which would have been documented by history? These questions are raised because, in my humble opinion, I believe the ‘social contract’ is nothing more than the current articles in the constitution on the special position of the Malays. If indeed there is another ‘social contract’ with wider provisions than those articles, let it surface and be subjected to scrutiny and discussion by the various component races. |